By Hans Aage Gravaas, Oslo, PhD in Intercultural Studies
December 21. 2021
WAR: Ethiopia’s freedom struggle against TPLF continues; a struggle for national unity, against ethnic extremism, political civil disobedience, and international interference. Simultaneously, a fierce media war is being fought between conflicting narratives.
Building national unity, identity and community across more than 80 ethnolinguistic people groups is demanding. It presupposes good mechanisms that unite.
Different and changing Ethiopian regimes have handled this differently. The previous government, dominated by the Marxist-inspired TPLF for 27 years (from 1991-2018), consisted of an ethnically based federal state where the “big” ethnic groups each made up their own region, while the “small ones”, who make up a third of Ethiopia’s population, were minorities in these regions or part of a large “collective region” in the south.
The war staged by TPLF
Even with a certain degree of local self-government, the TPLF pulled in the most important strings. Of course, elections were held, but the elections appeared as “showbread” or electoral authoritarianism. Political democratic processes were subordinated to the development of a developmental state with staggering investments from countries such as China.
Rapid growth in gross national product and visible prosperity in the form of road construction, infrastructure and business development was music to the ears for foreign donors, but hardly for the average woman and man. The social differences grew. Economic growth contributed to cementing the corrupt regime’s hegemonic position of power, not to increased democracy, freedom of expression and civil rights.
In the wake of the 2015 election, a strong popular uprising broke out, especially in the regions of Oromia and Amhara, with massive protests, many deaths and casualties and significant property damage. The authorities paid the price for a cynical system of government that suppressed strong currents in the population.
Changes were inevitable. In short, the popular uprising resulted in Abyi Ahmed becoming the Ethiopia’s new prime minister. The TPLF lost power in the party apparatus and suffered a scorching defeat. Instead of taking this into account, they chose confrontation over constructive opposition or cooperation. The current conflict in Tigray is not a war of aggression initiated by the Ethiopian government, rather it is a war staged by the TPLF whom attacked government military targets in the northern region November 2020. The TPLF also caused an internationalization of the conflict by attacking the airport in Asmara, Eritrea.
The conflict has since escalated. The fighting recently spread to the regions of Afar and Amhara. Instead of embracing the Ethiopian government’s invitation to a ceasefire, the TPLF in contrast attacked neighboring regions.
Ethiopian unity is threatened
This war leaves many victims. There is absolutely no reason to downplay the humanitarian suffering and human rights violations on either side of the front lines. But the TPLF has clearly underestimated the experience of national identity most Ethiopians maintain. In large, Ethiopians identify with the idea of belonging together despite differences.
The conflict with the rebel group in Tigray both threatens and strengthens this unity. Ethnic disagreements are often quickly forgotten every time the Ethiopian flag waves in the wind on the athletics field. Long-distance legend Haile Gebrselassie, who grew up in Arsi in the Oromia region, expresses this when he supports the Prime Minister’s fight against the TPLF. His political engagement is not based on hatred of Tigrayans, because they are also Ethiopians. He says: “We are brothers, we are sisters, I have no problems with anyone. But I have a problem with those who want to destroy Ethiopia, my country.”
The conflict is about power, but also about what Ethiopia should be. There is no contradiction between – on the one hand, fighting for the identity, history, language, and culture of one’s own ethnic group, and – on the other hand – fighting for a united Ethiopia where the rights of all citizens are safeguarded. Although the concept of a nation-state in its origin is a foreign element in the African context, it has the potential to be a solidarity project if it works as it should. A pan-Ethiopian system of government in which all ethnic groups are treated equally, and in which political issues outweigh ethnicity, will on a global scale appear to be a resilient project, one of solidarity.
An EPRDF with strong TPLF dominance was replaced by a more inclusive “biltsiginna party” (“Prosperity party”). The goal is for all ethnic groups, both small and large, to have equal access to power, with the same duties and rights. Abyi Ahmed’s “project” – referred to as a medemmer (“synergy”) – is about utilizing common resources for the benefit of the entire nation.
Abiy’s Pan-Ethiopia
The history and development of past liberation movements in Ethiopia is worth studying. Some of them probably originally envisioned a form of “Balkanization” or the division of Ethiopia into a number of small independent states. This ambition is hardly sustainable and will not get sufficient support. It will affect everyone, but mostly the smaller ethnic groups. “These groups are not fit to run the country,” former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is said to have said, not as motivation for a balanced distribution of power, but to the contrary as a starting point for increased concentration of power.
The TPLF probably toned down their ambitions for independence while they themselves were in power, but these ambitions quickly flared up again when their position of power was weakened. It is not easy to identify what ambitions they have today. The aim is clearly to tear down the current government project by non-democratic methods and open acts of war. Throughout their time in government, the TPLF strengthened its international networks, drained the country of resources, strengthened the room for maneuvering of corrupt leaders and therefore it deserves no sympathy.
The Tigray people are not a persecuted minority in Ethiopia. This ethnic group, which makes up about 6 percent of the country’s population, has historically been close to the pinnacles of power. The fact that the experience of losing power is demanding does not in itself give any authority to keep an armed conflict against a democratically elected leader and the Ethiopian nation going. All political plans, projects and ambitions must of course be open for discussion, but this unlawful civil obedience will always be a dead end.
The Oromo people (about 34 percent of the country’s population) have been further from political positions of power in Ethiopia than the Tigray people. It therefore triggered great joy among many when Abyi Ahmed – half Oromo (Muslim father) and half Amhara (Christian Orthodox mother) – became the new prime minister. With his diverse background, Abyi should be well equipped to be a bridge builder. In addition to his doctorate in peace and security and a master’s degree in leadership, he speaks fluent Oromiffa, Amharigna and Tigrigna.
The Oromo people today appear to be divided. While the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) signed a peace agreement with the authorities in 2018, OLF Shene can be said to be a diverting fraction from the OLF which, like its “partner” TPLF, is considered a terrorist organization by the authorities.
Although ethnic tensions will always be present in a multicultural country, Abyi Ahmed has helped promote a pan-Ethiopian mindset that emphasizes unity and togetherness more than differences. The “ethnic footprint” that the TPLF regime largely set up in the past is probably limited. The challenges are still in line.
Tendentious media coverage
The conflict in Ethiopia has also affected international relations. When Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019, it was not primarily for internal processes in Ethiopia, but for building relations with neighboring countries in the Horn of Africa. Prospects for peace and improved intergovernmental relations weighed heavily, not least the peace initiative with arch-enemy Eritrea.
Anyone with knowledge of the Horn of Africa will know this was a significant contribution, even if no one claims or believes that dictator Isayas Afewerki became democratic overnight. Nevertheless, the thawing of frozen relations has undoubtedly contributed to safer relations between the countries of the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia’s position within the African Union (AU), based in Addis Ababa, has also been strengthened.
The Peace Prize, which was proudly celebrated all over the country by most Ethiopians, was not particularly well received by the TPLF. After the conflict with the government broke out in November 2020, the peace prize award has been used against Abiy Ahmed for all it is worth, without telling why and how the conflict emerged. The world community has far too much confidence in the narrative of the TPLF’s supporters of “the warlord, the peace prize winner Abyi Ahmed” and his “war” against the civilian population in Tigray.
This has affected both political diplomacy and international media coverage. The information appears very tendentious, one-sided, and problematic. The recent evacuation of foreign citizens in Ethiopia from several countries was largely based on a propaganda rhetoric that stated the TPLF would soon occupy the capital Addis Ababa, which has proved to be unfounded speculation and allegations.
On the contrary, the war in Ethiopia has turned around in recent weeks. Otherwise, there is reason to question why some consider an armed liberation movement as an equal counterpart in the conflict with a democratically elected prime minister.
African symbol of independence
The Ethiopian people’s own experience of what is happening now is quite unambiguous. We have seen this especially in social media e.g. through the #NoMore campaigns around the world. This movement was initiated as a coalition of Ethiopian and Eritrean activists led by former Al Jazeera and CBS journalist Hermela Aregawi (Tigranian origin). The aim was to oppose the perceived disinformation campaign in the Western media, Western economic warfare, diplomatic propaganda and military interventions in the Horn of Africa in general and Ethiopia in particular.
Rarely has the African opposition to neo-colonialism and imperialism been as clear as it is today. Ethiopians inside and outside of Ethiopia are certainly aware of the critical situation. The rest of Africa and many others have also become involved. Ethiopia, which to this day has never been colonized, has once again emerged as an African symbol of independence that refuses to be subjugated by international pressure – especially from the United States, which many Ethiopians and others believe is a direct and indirect supporter of the TPLF.
Many Ethiopians also express concern about the coverage of Ethiopia in Western media. One of these is Aregawi Berhe, one of the founders of TPLF, now an active opponent of the TPLF. In a recent article on Borkena, a news portal for Ethiopian news, he discusses individuals who confuse activism, journalism and research. “They deliberately confuse the international community by ‘misrepresenting’ the realities on the ground,” he writes, mentioning several actors by name, one of whom is Norwegian.
Nation building uphill
Restrictions on the freedom of press in Ethiopia are highly regrettable. This happened after a significant liberalization following Abyi Ahmed coming to power. Journalists were released from prison and opposition politicians were invited home from exile. The war in Tigray, the abuse of media power and “false narratives” have undoubtedly contributed to the austerity measures that since have been imposed.
Lasting peace will never be achieved until the rebel movement TPLF lays down its arms and until all involved parties take part in open, democratic processes. Only in such an environment can political models be discussed, freedom of the press be ensured, and Ethiopia be developed. Until then, any form of nation-building will remain on a steep uphill slope.
First published in Vårt Land (Norwegian newspaper)
(Translated by Hans Christian Gravaas)
Source: https://hgravaas.blogspot.com/