Koki Absolom’s recent article offers a pointed critique of the Fano movement. Significant shortcomings in its strategic direction and public outreach have prevented it from achieving its core objectives, casting a shadow over the movement’s effectiveness. However, this perspective may overlook the complexities and dynamism inherent in Fano’s operational and ideological frameworks.
This paper seeks to provide a counter-narrative to Absolom’s assertions by situating the Fano movement within the broader sociopolitical context of Ethiopia. It aims to elucidate how Fano, contrary to the depiction of a faltering initiative, demonstrates considerable adaptability, inclusivity, and resilience. These traits are crucial for understanding its sustained relevance and growing influence in Ethiopian politics.
Fano’s roots are deeply embedded in the historical and cultural ethos of the Amhara people, yet its vision extends beyond regional and ethnic confines. The movement has adeptly navigated Ethiopia’s volatile political landscape by continuously evolving its strategies to meet new challenges. This includes adjusting its tactical approaches to shifts in political alliances and threats and showcasing a sophisticated understanding of local and national political currents.
Moreover, the movement has made concerted efforts to build coalitions that transcend ethnic lines, promoting unity and mutual respect among diverse communities, including the neighboring Benishangul-Gumuz communities in Metekel and Western Gojjam’s Jawi area. This approach not only counters the fragmentation seen in Ethiopian politics but also enhances Fano’s credibility and moral stance as a protector of the Amhara and all Ethiopians against external threats and internal divisions.
By examining these aspects, this paper will highlight how the Fano movement’s resilience and strategic adaptability have enabled it to maintain its course and effectiveness, challenging the narrative of decline and dysfunction suggested by Absolom. It will argue that Fano’s trajectory is marked not by failure but by a pragmatic and forward-thinking approach to advocacy and mobilization in a complex socio-political environment.
Introduction
The Fano movement, traditionally perceived as a mere defensive force, has evolved into a significant sociopolitical entity within Ethiopia, aiming to protect the Amhara people and uphold the broader integrity of the Ethiopian state. Absolom’s critique, which suggests that Fano has strayed from its mission due to strategic inadequacies, failures in coalition-building, and poor public relations, overlooks the nuanced dynamics and resilience of the movement. Importantly, Absolom fails to acknowledge the infancy of Fano’s active engagement in defense, which is only nine months old—a relatively short period for such a complex movement to mature and address its early challenges fully.
In this short time frame, Fano has sustained its operations and shown significant tactical adeptness. Despite being pitted against well-equipped and trained government forces, Fano’s strategies have often outmaneuvered these forces, leveraging local knowledge and community support to offset the government’s superiority in arms and resources. This illustrates Fano’s strategic competence and highlights its rapid adaptability and learning curve under pressure.
Moreover, the movement’s ongoing efforts to refine its strategies, build meaningful alliances across ethnic and regional lines, and improve its communication with the public indicate a forward-moving trajectory. These developments suggest that Fano is far from losing sight of its mission, contrary to Absolom’s assertions. Instead, it is actively navigating the complexities of Ethiopian politics and armed conflict, proving itself a formidable and evolving force within the region.
Nature and Mission of Fano
Fano’s inception is deeply rooted in the need to protect the Amhara from existential threats, external aggression, or internal subversion. The movement emerged as a direct response to the activities of narrow nationalist groups from Tigray, which have historically propagated divisive and destructive narratives. Fano is not merely a reactionary group; it proactively defends and promotes the interests of the Amhara and other marginalized communities within Ethiopia. The coalition between the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which ascended to power after the military junta in 1991, exacerbated divisions among Ethiopians along ethnolinguistic lines—lines that have been recognized and reinforced for millennia.
Fano adopted a positive approach toward inclusivity from its outset, engaging people across different religions and ethnic-linguistic groups, particularly in Gojjam. To understand the impact of Fano’s inclusive practices, one could consider the perspectives of the Agew community in Gojjam, who share a millennia-old coexistence with the Amhara and Shenasha, acknowledging no significant differences. They live together, observing similar religious and social customs in a shared geographic space. This longstanding relationship between communities in the western Gojjam region starkly contrasts with the divisive narratives often promoted by the government and specific ethnocentric organizations. Fano’s approach in areas like Gojjam highlights its role as a protector and a unifier, fostering cohesion and mutual respect among diverse groups.
Strategic Adaptability of Fano
Critics like Absolom view Fano’s strategies as stagnant and unprogressive. However, evidence suggests that Fano is far from static and continually evolving. The movement has shown remarkable flexibility and adaptability in its tactics and strategies. Each confrontation and each phase of the struggle has been a learning curve for the movement, allowing it to adapt to changing political and military landscapes. The ability to learn from past actions and recalibrate strategies accordingly indicates a mature and resilient organization, contrary to the faltering image portrayed.
To illustrate the inappropriateness of the criticism against Fano, consider their conduct in various large and small cities. Remarkably, Fano has managed to enter and exit these cities without looting government offices or disrupting the banking systems. Moreover, the residents of the villages and the people in the areas where Fano operates have not reported any kind of misconducts and problems due to their presence.
In contrast, consider the situation in the Addis Ababa area, where car hijackings and abductions of wealthy individuals are prevalent. Numerous citizens have reportedly been stripped of their property, and some have even gone missing. Meanwhile, commercial vehicles continue to move freely in the Amhara region where Fano is active, and even those carrying money are not robbed or harassed by Fano forces.
These examples clearly show that Fano conducts itself with a level of restraint not seen in other groups. Therefore, from the evidence provided, the criticism against Fano seems to be misplaced, and I encourage readers to judge the situation based on these observations.
Coalition-Building Efforts
One of Absolom’s main criticisms is Fano’s inability to forge broad-based coalitions. This paper argues that Fano has made significant strides in outreach beyond ethnic Amhara
lines. This includes extending support and cooperation to ethnic groups like the Oromo and Tigrayans, often misunderstood or misrepresented in mainstream discourse. These efforts demonstrate Fano’s commitment to an inclusive Ethiopian identity and its role in fostering interethnic solidarity. Remember Tigrian officers jailed by Abiy Ahemed order for years in Dangila, released and sent after freed by Bitwoded Mengesha Brigade thanks to Commander Zemen a young commander who I often discuss about the condition.
Indeed, Koki Absalom’s critique of Fano’s inability to establish a broad-based coalition struck me as particularly surprising. Given the constraints and the context, it’s noteworthy how much was accomplished by a newly organized group that started with minimal resources. Koki overlooked the significant organizational feats achieved under such challenging circumstances. For instance, consider how, within just nine months, a new organization with no initial access to weapons rallied significant support in regions like Gojam. Over ten regiments were formed and fully equipped there, transforming Fano into a well-armed force.
The logistics of organizing supplies, arming militants, and maintaining discipline through traditional structures of command and order are no small feat. It’s instructive and remarkable to see such organization and mobilization of resources, which speaks volumes about the capabilities and determination of the leaders involved. Therefore, the criticism about not forming a broader coalition perhaps needs to appreciate the movement’s context and grassroots nature, which was more about immediate survival and resistance than political maneuvering on a wider scale.
Public Relations and Perception
While Absolom asserts that Fano suffers from ineffective public relations, this view must fully encapsulate the movement’s outreach efforts. Fano has actively communicated its goals and perspectives with local and international communities. Through traditional and digital media, Fano has worked to counteract its adversaries’ negative propaganda and misinformation, aiming to present a more balanced and nuanced view of its objectives and achievements.
It is possible that Koki Absalom hasn’t had access to Fanon’s writings or reviewed their bylaws, which might explain his criticisms. However, his lack of vision should not undermine the accomplishments of a fighting force that has rapidly organized and achieved significant milestones. While Absalom is undoubtedly more insightful than many of his educated contemporaries, his critique in the article about “ሱሪ ባንገት ካልወለቀ እንዳይሆን” seems misplaced and, in fact, turns the issue on its head. As I’ve noted, Koki often acts as a spokesperson for Fano. Much of Fano’s communication strategy, including the swift mobilization of ideas and resistance strategies, could be attributed to contributions from figures like him. This involvement suggests that while he might critique the movement, he is also actively helping shape its narrative and tactics.
Absolom’s critique most significantly misses the mark in recognizing the burgeoning collective consciousness within the Amhara populace and, by extension, the broader Ethiopian community. This consciousness is not marked by despair but by a robust resolve to overcome adversities. Fano taps into this collective ethos as a grassroots movement, channeling it into a structured form of resistance and nationalistic pride.
Conclusion
In conclusion, while Koki Absolom’s insights into the Fano movement merit, they need to capture the full spectrum of its dynamics. Fano is not a movement in decline but one in transition, continually adapting to the complex socio-political currents within Ethiopia. It represents a significant force for national unity and resilience, far from the faltering entity depicted by Absolom. As such, understanding Fano’s true impact and role requires a broader perspective and deeper engagement with the myriad forces shaping Ethiopia today.
This paper has argued that Fano’s journey is illustrative of the relentless spirit of the Ethiopian people and their enduring quest to shape their destiny, free from subjugation and external interference. As such, Fano should not be viewed through a lens of failure but rather as a beacon of hope and a testament to the power of collective will in overcoming adversity.
mmusie2@gmail.com